Montreal Gazette
L. Ian MacDonald
Liberals Lethargic In Opposition
Just as there
is a learning curve in government, there is also one in opposition.
And the Liberals, schooled as a party of government, have been
having difficulty finding their feet in this minority House.
The first
session of the new Parliament, which breaks for the summer after
this week, can't end soon enough for the Liberals. Their performance
in question period, any opposition party's main chance, has varied
from lethargic to lamentable.
Every time they
ask a question, they get it thrown back in their faces on Liberal
corruption or inaction. Any time Stephen Harper or one of his
ministers says the Conservatives are acting, say, on climate change,
"unlike that party which did nothing for 13 years in office," the
Liberals sag back into their seats.
The Liberals
have also found themselves inconveniently positioned on issues such
as their opposition to the softwood lumber deal with the United
States. For one thing, the deal is supported by Liberal governments
in the three main producing provinces of British Columbia, Quebec
and Ontario. For another, it's well known in trade policy circles
that similar terms were available to the Liberals in government last
summer, but Paul Martin declined to call B.C. Premier Gordon
Campbell for his support. On that issue, as on many others, there is
simply no moral high ground for the Liberals to occupy.
But their worst
moment came two weeks ago with the unanimous adoption of the budget
on third reading. The Liberals and the NDP both opposed the first
Tory budget since 1993, but the NDP had no members in the House as
debate resumed, and the Liberals had only four members, none of whom
rose to speak. And when no other members did so, the Conservatives
and Bloc Quebecois being in favour, the speaker declared the budget
passed unanimously.
It's one thing
not to want to force an early election, but it's another to not even
show up.
One
parliamentary habitue later suggested that Jerry Yanover, the master
Liberal parliamentary tactician, must have crossed the floor to the
Conservatives. (Good line, although he's not an MP.)
The Liberals'
disarray is understandable under the circumstances. They've just had
their heads handed to them by the voters, and they're still trying
to figure out what happened. It's going to take them a while to get
over it, before they can get on with it.
And then
there's a normal period of adaptation in the transition from
government to opposition. You mean, we don't have public servants to
write our briefing books any more? We have to rely on something
called opposition research?
What do you
mean, we're not invited to the state dinner?
Like any party
united by the perks and privileges of government, the Liberals are
fighting over the spoils of defeat. Their caucus is divided not only
by a leadership campaign in which members have to pick sides, but by
issues such as the mission in Afghanistan.
For example,
interim Liberal leader Bill Graham and House leader Ralph Goodale
agreed to the process of a same-day debate and vote on extending the
Afghan mission, only to be confronted with a full-blown caucus
revolt. In the end, fully three- quarters of the Liberal caucus
voted against extending a mission authorized only last summer by
their own government.
How could Ken
Dryden and Belinda Stronach, former ministers who voted in favour of
the mission, now turn around and vote against it? John McCallum, a
former defence minister, also opposed it. And the former prime
minister, Paul Martin, who took the decision to put Canadian forces
in greater harm's way, didn't even trouble himself to show up for
the vote. Graham, defence minister at the time of the decision to
redeploy from Kabul to Kandahar, did not bother to conceal his
contempt for his former ministerial colleagues.
The lacklustre
performance of the Liberals in the House cannot really be laid at
Graham's door. He understands the rhythms of the House quite well,
as does Goodale. They can both take considerable credit for the
relatively civil tone of this House, compared with the murderous
mood of the previous one. Graham asks solid lead questions, right on
the news cycle. From his days as defence and foreign minister, he
has a commanding knowledge of top files, as does Goodale, the former
finance minister. But they also are weary of the battle, and unable
to control the troops behind them.
It isn't that
those troops are restive or unruly, they're just phoning it in.
There is no equivalent of the Rat Pack, the young Liberal
backbenchers who joyfully savaged the first-term Mulroney government
after 1984. That's not a bad thing, and some of those former
members, notably Brian Tobin and perhaps even Sheila Copps, would
tell you today that those days weren't necessarily the proudest of
their careers.
The
opposition's role is to criticize, to be sure, but it's also to
attack. In the first session, the Liberals have failed on both
counts. What's missing is a bit of Grit gusto.